Colossus

1. American Imperialism: A Historical Constant

This book argues not merely that the United States is an empire but that it always has been an empire.

Early Expansion. From its inception, the United States has exhibited imperial tendencies, expanding across the North American continent through purchase, diplomacy, and military force. Figures like Jefferson and Hamilton envisioned a growing American empire, dominating both North and South America. This expansion, however, often came at the expense of Native American populations, who were displaced and marginalized.

Manifest Destiny. The concept of "manifest destiny" fueled westward expansion, justifying the acquisition of territories like Texas and California. While often framed as a natural and inevitable process, this expansion involved conflict and coercion, highlighting the inherent imperial nature of American growth. The Louisiana Purchase, the annexation of Texas, and the Mexican-American War all contributed to the growth of the American empire.

Beyond the Continent. While continental expansion was a primary focus, the late 19th century saw the U.S. venture overseas, acquiring territories like Hawaii and the Philippines. This marked a shift towards a more traditional form of imperialism, driven by strategic, commercial, and ideological motives. The Spanish-American War and the subsequent annexation of the Philippines demonstrated America's growing global ambitions.

2. The Paradox of Power: American Strengths and Weaknesses

…what the world needs today is not just any kind of empire. What is required is a liberal empire…

Economic and Military Might. The United States possesses unparalleled economic and military power, exceeding that of any previous empire. Its military budget surpasses the combined spending of the next several nations, and its economic influence is felt worldwide through multinational corporations and financial institutions. This dominance, however, does not automatically translate into effective imperial control.

Imperial Ineptitude. Despite its vast resources, the U.S. has often struggled to achieve its goals in foreign interventions. The book argues that the U.S. is an "inept empire builder," with its imperial undertakings often short-lived and their results ephemeral. This is attributed to a combination of factors, including a lack of long-term commitment, a reluctance to impose direct rule, and a tendency towards "imperial denial."

The Need for Liberal Empire. The author contends that a "liberal empire," one that promotes free markets, the rule of law, and democratic institutions, could be beneficial to many parts of the world. However, the U.S. struggles to embrace this role fully, often prioritizing its own interests or withdrawing prematurely from its commitments. The book explores whether the U.S. is capable of being a successful liberal empire, given its historical tendencies and current constraints.

3. The Anglophone Legacy: Echoes of the British Empire

The relationship between the two Anglophone empires is one of the leitmotifs of this book for the simple reason that no other empire in history has come so close to achieving the things that the United States wishes to achieve today.

Similarities and Differences. The U.S. and British empires share a common language, culture, and commitment to liberal values. Both empires have sought to promote free trade, the rule of law, and democratic institutions. However, the U.S. has historically defined itself against British imperialism, and its approach to empire has been shaped by its unique history and political culture.

Territorial Reach. The British Empire was far more extensive in terms of territorial control, encompassing a vast portion of the globe. The U.S., in contrast, has preferred indirect rule and informal empire, relying on economic and military influence rather than direct territorial administration. This preference for indirect rule reflects America's historical aversion to formal colonialism.

Military Dominance. The U.S. enjoys a level of military dominance that the British Empire never achieved, with unparalleled capabilities in land, sea, and air power. However, this military might has not always translated into effective political control, and the U.S. has often struggled to translate its military victories into lasting political gains. The U.S. military has a global reach, with bases and deployments spanning the globe.

4. The Limits of Soft Power: Beyond Cultural Exports

Soft power, in other words, is getting what you want without “force or inducement,” sticks or carrots: “It is the ability to entice and attract.

The Allure of American Culture. The U.S. wields significant "soft power" through its cultural exports, including movies, music, and consumer goods. This cultural influence can shape perceptions and preferences, making other countries more receptive to American ideas and values. However, the reach of American soft power is not universal, and its effectiveness is often limited by cultural differences and anti-American sentiment.

Beyond Cultural Influence. The book questions the extent to which soft power can truly substitute for traditional forms of imperial power. While cultural exports can create goodwill, they may not be sufficient to achieve specific political or economic goals. The U.S. often needs to supplement its soft power with "hard power," including military force and economic sanctions, to achieve its objectives.

The Victorian Precedent. The British Empire also sought to spread its values and culture through missionaries, businessmen, and administrators. The BBC played a crucial role in disseminating British culture and values during the 20th century. However, soft power alone was not enough to prevent the decline of the British Empire, suggesting that it is only one component of imperial power.

5. The Perils of Imperial Denial: A Dysfunctional Empire

Americans are not wholly oblivious to the imperial role their country plays in the world. But they dislike it.

Unease with Empire. Most Americans are uncomfortable with the idea of their country being an empire, preferring to see the U.S. as a force for liberation and democracy. This "imperial denial" can lead to a lack of self-awareness and a failure to learn from the successes and failures of past empires. The U.S. often struggles to reconcile its ideals of freedom and democracy with the realities of exercising power in the world.

Dysfunctional Imperialism. The book argues that the U.S. is an "empire in denial," which makes it a somewhat dysfunctional entity. This denial can lead to inconsistent policies, a lack of long-term commitment, and a failure to address the underlying causes of instability in the regions where the U.S. intervenes. The U.S. often struggles to reconcile its desire to promote democracy with its need to maintain stability and protect its own interests.

The Need for Self-Consciousness. The author suggests that the U.S. needs to recognize the imperial characteristics of its power and learn from the achievements and failures of past empires. This does not mean proclaiming itself an empire, but rather acknowledging the realities of its global influence and acting accordingly. By understanding its own imperial tendencies, the U.S. can make more informed decisions and avoid the pitfalls of "imperial denial."

6. The Vacuum of Power: Alternatives to American Hegemony

Apolarity could turn out to mean not the pacifist utopia envisaged in John Lennon’s dirge “Imagine,” but an anarchic new Dark Age.

The End of Unipolarity? The book explores the potential consequences of a decline in American power, questioning whether a multipolar world of competing great powers is the most likely alternative. It suggests that a more plausible scenario is a world with no dominant hegemon, a state of "apolarity." This could lead to a dangerous power vacuum, with no single power capable of maintaining order and stability.

Potential Successors. The book examines the potential of the European Union, China, and Islam to fill the void left by a declining U.S. However, it concludes that each of these contenders faces significant challenges that make them unlikely successors to American hegemony. The EU is hampered by demographic decline and internal divisions, China by political and financial instability, and Islam by its lack of resources and internal divisions.

A New Dark Age. The author warns that a world with no hegemon could descend into a new "Dark Age," characterized by anarchy, violence, and a retreat into regional spheres of influence. This scenario is particularly dangerous in the 21st century, given the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and the growing power of non-state actors like terrorist groups and criminal organizations. The absence of a global hegemon could lead to increased regional conflicts and a breakdown of international law and order.

7. The Illusion of Multilateralism: The UN and American Interests

The United States needs the United Nations, but it does not need to sign every international agreement the latter produces.

The UN as a Creature of the U.S. The United Nations is largely a creation of the United States, with its headquarters in New York and the U.S. as its largest financial contributor. The UN's resources are dwarfed by those of the U.S., limiting its ability to act independently or counter American interests. The UN's effectiveness is often dependent on American support and leadership.

The Security Council's Power. The UN Security Council, with its permanent members holding veto power, can act as a check on American power. However, the author argues that the Security Council is often driven by the self-interests of its members, rather than a commitment to international law or collective security. The UN's effectiveness is often hampered by the conflicting interests of its member states.

Splendid Multilateralism. The book suggests that the U.S. should engage with the UN when it serves American interests, but should not be constrained by the need for multilateral approval. The U.S. should be willing to act unilaterally when necessary, forming "coalitions of the willing" to achieve its goals. The U.S. should use the UN as a tool to legitimize its actions and gain international support, but should not allow the UN to dictate its foreign policy.

8. The High Cost of Limited War: Korea and Vietnam

The real reason MacArthur did not follow in Caesar’s footsteps was that he was outwitted by a more politically skilled opponent.

The Korean War. The Korean War demonstrated the limitations of "limited war," where the U.S. sought to contain communism without escalating the conflict into a larger war with China or the Soviet Union. This strategy led to a stalemate and a costly war with no clear victory. The dismissal of General MacArthur, who advocated for a more aggressive approach, highlighted the tension between military objectives and political constraints.

The Vietnam War. The Vietnam War further illustrated the pitfalls of limited war, with the U.S. gradually escalating its involvement without a clear strategy for victory. The war became increasingly unpopular at home, leading to a withdrawal and a communist victory. The Vietnam War demonstrated the importance of public support and a clear exit strategy for successful military interventions.

The Wrong Lessons. The author argues that the U.S. learned the wrong lessons from Korea and Vietnam, resolving to avoid prolonged conventional wars but failing to develop a more effective approach to nation-building. The U.S. needs to develop a more comprehensive strategy for dealing with rogue states and failed states, one that combines military force with long-term political and economic commitment. The U.S. needs to be prepared to commit the resources and manpower necessary to achieve its goals, rather than seeking quick and easy solutions.

9. The Fiscal Achilles Heel: Domestic Debt vs. Global Power

The true feet of clay of the American Colossus are the impending fiscal crises of the systems of Medicare and Social Security.

The Illusion of Affordability. Despite its vast wealth, the U.S. faces a growing fiscal crisis due to rising domestic spending and declining revenues. This crisis is driven primarily by the unfunded liabilities of Social Security and Medicare, which threaten to overwhelm the federal budget in the coming decades. The U.S. cannot sustain its global power if it fails to address its domestic fiscal problems.

The Debtor Empire. The U.S. has become increasingly reliant on foreign capital to finance its budget deficits and maintain its high levels of consumption. This dependence on foreign lenders, particularly Asian central banks, makes the U.S. vulnerable to shifts in international financial markets. The U.S. needs to reduce its dependence on foreign capital and increase its domestic savings rate.

The Need for Fiscal Reform. The author argues that the U.S. must address its fiscal imbalances to maintain its global power. This requires difficult choices, including raising taxes, cutting spending, and reforming Social Security and Medicare. The U.S. needs to prioritize long-term fiscal stability over short-term political gains. The U.S. needs to make tough choices about its domestic priorities to ensure that it can continue to play a leading role in the world.

10. The Perils of a Short Time Horizon: The Need for Long-Term Commitment

Indeed, a peculiarity of American imperialism—perhaps its principal shortcoming—is its excessively short time horizon.

The American Impulse to Leave. A recurring theme in American foreign policy is the desire to withdraw from overseas commitments as quickly as possible. This impulse is driven by a combination of factors, including a historical aversion to empire, a focus on domestic priorities, and a limited attention span. The U.S. often struggles to sustain long-term commitments, preferring quick and decisive interventions to prolonged engagement.

The Importance of Staying Power. The book argues that successful nation-building requires a long-term commitment, often lasting decades. The U.S. needs to be willing to invest the time, resources, and manpower necessary to achieve its goals, rather than seeking quick and easy solutions. The U.S. needs to be patient and persistent in its efforts to promote democracy and stability abroad.

Learning from the British. The British Empire, despite its many flaws, was often characterized by a long-term commitment to its colonies. British administrators often spent their entire careers in the colonies, developing deep knowledge of local cultures and institutions. The U.S. needs to cultivate a similar level of expertise and commitment among its foreign policy professionals. The U.S. needs to develop a more sustainable approach to foreign policy, one that is not driven by short-term political considerations.

11. The Allure and Limits of Democracy: Imposing Freedom

And just as most Americans today regard global democratization on the American model as self-evidently good, so the British in those days aspired to export their own institutions…to the rest of the world.

The Wilsonian Ideal. Since Woodrow Wilson, American foreign policy has often been driven by a desire to promote democracy around the world. This ideal is rooted in the belief that democratic institutions are inherently superior and that their spread will lead to greater peace and prosperity. However, the book questions the assumption that democracy can be easily imposed on other countries, particularly those with different cultures and histories.

The Paradox of Imposition. The very act of imposing democracy can undermine its legitimacy. The use of military force to promote democracy can create resentment and resistance, making it more difficult to achieve long-term stability. The U.S. needs to be mindful of the unintended consequences of its efforts to promote democracy abroad.

The British Precedent. The British Empire also sought to export its own institutions, including the common law and parliamentary monarchy. However, the British were often pragmatic in their approach, adapting their institutions to local conditions and allowing for a gradual transition to self-government. The U.S. needs to adopt a more nuanced and flexible approach to promoting democracy, one that takes into account the unique circumstances of each country. The U.S. needs to be patient and persistent in its efforts to promote democracy, recognizing that it is a long-term process that cannot be rushed.

12. The Specter of Apolarity: A World Without a Hegemon

For the alternative to unipolarity may not be multipolarity at all. It could be apolarity—a global vacuum of power.

The Absence of a Successor. The book concludes by considering the possibility that the U.S. may decline without a clear successor emerging to take its place. This could lead to a world with no dominant power, a state of "apolarity." This is a dangerous scenario, as it could lead to increased instability, regional conflicts, and the rise of non-state actors like terrorist groups and criminal organizations.

The Best Case for Order. The author argues that the best case for empire is always the case for order. While liberty is a loftier goal, order is a necessary precondition for liberty. The U.S., despite its flaws, is currently the only power capable of maintaining order on a global scale. The U.S. needs to recognize its role as a global hegemon and act responsibly to maintain international stability.

A Call for Reappraisal. The book calls for a fundamental reappraisal of America's role in the world. The U.S. needs to recognize the imperial characteristics of its power and learn from the achievements and failures of past empires. The U.S. needs to develop a more sustainable and effective approach to foreign policy, one that is based on a clear understanding of its own strengths and weaknesses. The U.S. needs to embrace its role as a global leader, but it must do so with humility, wisdom, and a long-term perspective.

Last updated: March 7, 2025